Epstein III
The Intelligence Channel
The first two essays document what the network built.
This final one asks who was running it.
At the centre of the architecture is Ehud Barak — former Prime Minister of Israel, former Defence Minister, the man who held direct authority over Mossad, Aman (military intelligence), and Shin Bet during his time in office1.
Running in parallel, the documents reveal a second channel: Prince Andrew, the Duke of York, serving as Britain’s Special Representative for International Trade and Investment. Together, they gave the operation credentialed access to the intelligence establishments of two Five Eyes nations and one of the most capable intelligence states on earth2.
This essay starts slow. It does so to establish the scene. The documents show an operation that required a former Defence Minister, a serving royal trade envoy, former MI6 and Mossad officers, two former US Treasury Secretaries, the head of the Edmond de Rothschild Group, and the chief science adviser to Bill Gates — all routed through Epstein’s email accounts.
The Protocol
Barak received unique handling within Epstein’s operation. According to the Wall Street Journal’s analysis of Epstein’s calendars, Barak visited Epstein’s New York residences at least thirty-six times between 2013 and 2017 alone3 — monthly from December 2015 — sometimes accompanied by his wife or Israeli security detail. He flew on Epstein’s private jet at least twice.
An internal staff email dated January 24, 2014 lays out the procedure. An assistant, briefing colleagues on Epstein’s weekend schedule, writes4: ‘ACCEPT Ehud Barak....ask JE first if he wants you to reconfirm this...he usually says NO... JE might just reconfirm it himself’. Every other appointment on the schedule was managed by staff directly. Barak alone was handled exclusively by Epstein in person — a protocol that minimised the number of people who communicated with him.
A separate message from June 4, 2014 shows the reverse channel. An assistant emails Epstein5: ‘Please call ehud barak the minute you can...he says it is a tiny bit urgent’. Barak had on-demand access to Epstein, routed through staff who understood that his requests were to be escalated immediately.
The January 2014 schedule also records6: ‘12:00 Noon Fly Ehud Barak from PB, Galaxy Aviation, to Tampa’. Epstein was providing private aviation for Barak’s movements between Palm Beach and Tampa.
On May 13, 2012 — while Barak was the sitting Defence Minister — a staff email instructed7: ‘There is a package in the oval office on the coffee table marked for Ehud Barak. Can someone please put it in a shopping bag and label the bag for ‘Judith Tiomkin’ and drop the bag off at 880 Fifth Ave’. A package for the Israeli Defence Minister, relabelled under a cover name before hand-delivery to a building two blocks south of Epstein’s townhouse.
Dedicated communication protocols, exclusive personal handling, on-demand access, private aviation, and cover names for physical deliveries are operational signatures, not social ones.
These are actions taken by a man who takes operational security seriously.
The Israeli Channel
On the morning of September 16, 2010, Epstein sent at least four separate communications assembling a guest list for a dinner at his Manhattan residence, scheduled for Tuesday, September 21. Barak was then the sitting Israeli Defence Minister.
To Boris Nikolic, at 11:28 AM8: ‘fyi,, Ehud barak the defense minister of israel, Larry summers will be at my house for a small very private dinner, if bill wants to come or stop by, he is welcome, I know you said his schedule is crazy, but this will be the epicenter of intellectual interest’. The ‘bill’ is Bill Gates, whose chief science and technology adviser Nikolic was at the time.
To David Stern, at 1:41 PM9: ‘tell tim collins that i am having the defense minister of israel to my house on tues the 21, very small very private, he is welcome to attend. this way i will get to put a face on all these stories’. Collins is the founder of Ripplewood Holdings, a New York private equity firm. The phrasing implies Epstein had briefed him about Barak over an extended period.
Also on the 16th, Epstein’s assistant Lesley Groff emailed a redacted ‘David’10: ‘Jeffrey Epstein is having Ehud Barak, the Israeli Defense Minister, over to his house on Tues night the 21st. very private, no agenda. he thought you might like to join in, IF you want to speak directly to Jeffrey I can have him call you, if you give me a time’. David replied from his BlackBerry that evening11: ‘Please tell Jeffrey that I am very grateful for his invitation but am speaking in Chicago that Tuesday night. I will be visiting NYC on Wednesday so, alas, I am just missing’.
The formula — ‘very private, no agenda’ — recurs throughout the archive as a standard phrase for these gatherings.
On the evening of September 20, Groff confirmed the final attendee12: ‘Jes plans to attend the Ehud Barak dinner’. Jes Staley was then a senior executive at JPMorgan Chase and appears 7,500 times in the DOJ correspondence — one of the highest volumes of any figure in the archive.
Five separate communication channels assembled at least four invited guests beyond the two anchor principals: the sitting Israeli Defence Minister and the former US Treasury Secretary as fixed points, with the head of JPMorgan private banking, a major private equity figure, and the world’s wealthiest technology executive invited to orbit them.
Every invitation carried the same formula: ‘very private, no agenda’. Few emails discuss content, they typically discuss times to meet up in person.
The intelligence function of the channel is documented directly in the correspondence. On May 9, 2013, a rapid email exchange between Epstein and Barak begins at 1:07 AM with Barak asking Epstein to call, providing a number. At 8:24 AM, Epstein replies that he cannot get through. Barak responds13: ‘jeff pl don’t share the info with any of our friends. best.EB’. Whatever information Barak had shared was restricted even within the network Epstein managed — the circle that included Summers, Nikolic, Gates, and the broader roster.
Epstein’s reply confirms receipt and pivots immediately to geopolitics: ‘Of course not. I think you should let Putin know you will be in Moscow. See if he wants private time’. Drop Site News later reported, drawing on the Handala leak of Barak’s emails, that Epstein had helped broker a covert backchannel between Israel and Russia during the Syrian civil war14 — an attempt to persuade the Kremlin to abandon Assad, a major Israeli national security priority.
The ‘private time’ with Putin was the continuation of an active diplomatic operation that could not run through official channels because it would have contradicted stated American policy.
On April 23, 2015, Barak forwarded Epstein a CNBC interview about the Iran nuclear deal, with the note15: ‘Bill Clinton 1994. Food for thought. EB’. The reference was to Clinton’s Agreed Framework with North Korea16 — Barak sending his strategic assessment of the JCPOA directly through Epstein’s channel.
An undated audio recording released in the January 30, 2026 DOJ tranche — reported to date from early 2013 — captures more than three hours of conversation between Epstein and Barak17. Barak discusses Israeli demographic strategy, proposing that the country promote large-scale Russian immigration and ‘break the monopoly of the Orthodox rabbinate’18. He tells Epstein that Israel could ‘easily absorb another million’ Russian-speaking immigrants and that authorities could now ‘control the quality much more effectively’ than in earlier waves19. He recounts telling Putin about the plan.
In the same recording, the two discuss Tony Blair’s consulting fees — which Barak describes as ‘gigantic’ — and Barak asks Epstein ‘how do we make money out of’ a contract with governments. State immigration policy, intelligence on a serving British Prime Minister’s finances, and sovereign commercial strategy — all in the same conversation. On June 1, 2014, Greg Wyler emailed Epstein20: ‘I know you don’t care about the social good, but you can have fun and make money as well’. The network’s participants understood the operating principle clearly enough.
On February 4, 2011, Epstein emailed Larry Summers21: “home tel no. [redacted]. ehud,,, please keep very private.. expecting your call’. Summers replied from his BlackBerry at 10:39 PM22: ‘Will call tmrw morn this time’. A former US Treasury Secretary calling the Israeli Defence Minister at home on a private line, arranged by Epstein, with confirmation routed back to verify the connection had been made.
The intelligence presence extended beyond email. Drop Site News reported in November 2025, drawing on House Oversight Committee calendars and the Handala leak of Barak’s email accounts, that Yoni Koren — a senior Israeli military intelligence (AMAN) officer and Barak’s longtime chief aide — stayed at Epstein’s Manhattan apartment for weeks at a time on at least three occasions: February 2013 (while Barak was still serving as Defence Minister), October 2014, and September 201523.
Koren had spent his career in covert operations alongside Mossad and remained a lieutenant colonel in reserve duty. Email records show Barak using Koren as an intermediary to exchange information with AMAN, and in February 2015, Barak sent Epstein bank details for funds to be wired to Koren’s Citibank account24.
Koren was also active in Epstein and Barak’s efforts to source cybersecurity startups from AMAN’s technology research units — an active Israeli intelligence officer operating from Epstein’s apartment, exchanging information with the military intelligence directorate, funded through Epstein’s accounts. Koren died of cancer in January 2023. Barak eulogised him as ‘a talented intelligence officer…with endless loyalty to the role, the IDF and the state’25.
The British Channel
The January 30, 2026 release of over three million pages established Prince Andrew as Barak’s documentary counterpart — a credentialed state operative running a parallel channel through the same gmail account.
Andrew served as Britain’s Special Representative for International Trade and Investment from 2001 to 201126. Emails in the DOJ archive show that during this period he shared confidential reports from overseas trade missions — to Singapore, Hong Kong, China, and Vietnam — with Epstein27.
On Christmas Eve 2010, Andrew sent Epstein a confidential briefing on investment opportunities in the reconstruction of Helmand Province, Afghanistan28 — a region where British troops were still deployed on active operations. Sir Vince Cable, then Business Secretary, told the BBC he was ‘unaware of Andrew sharing information about investment opportunities’ in Afghanistan29.
Andrew’s principal value to the operation was his access to sovereign heads of state. On November 24, 2010, during a state visit to the United Arab Emirates, Andrew emailed Epstein with the subject line ‘Abdullah’ — a reference to the UAE’s then foreign affairs minister, Abdullah bin Zayed. ‘You are in big time’, Andrew wrote30. ‘He thinks you are great and would like to introduce you to Sheikh Mohammed, the Crown Prince’.
Andrew was introducing Epstein to the man who is now the President of the United Arab Emirates, while on an official state visit with his mother, the Queen, his father, Prince Philip, and the then Foreign Secretary, William Hague.
In an earlier email on November 7, Epstein told Andrew he had already met Abdullah bin Zayed and Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, the ruler of Dubai, and asked Andrew to vouch for him — to tell the foreign minister about his ‘financial expertise’ and that Epstein was a ‘funder of extreme science’ and ‘fun’31. Epstein also wrote to Andrew32: ‘Ask Abdullah for a date when we can all go on vacation’.
Andrew told the BBC’s Newsnight in 2019 that he had last met Epstein in New York in December 2010 and cut ties at that point33. The DOJ correspondence shows David Stern, Andrew’s aide, continued to act as an intermediary between the two for years afterward.
Barak ran the eastern channel — Israeli intelligence, Gulf sovereign contacts through the defence and security establishment, technology companies from the Unit 8200 pipeline34. Andrew operated on the western channel — British Crown access to Gulf royals, Chinese leadership, and European heads of state, plus classified commercial intelligence gathered through his trade envoy role. Both reported to Epstein, both continued operating after his conviction, and both provided what no lobbyist, diplomat, or investment bank could offer: head-of-state access that carried the imprimatur of sovereign authority.
The difference was in capability. Barak compartmentalised information, gave strategic assessments, directed operational follow-up, negotiated his own commercial positioning, and pushed back on Epstein’s instructions. Andrew shared trade reports and made introductions when asked.
The Libya Operation
In July 2011, an associate identified as Greg Brown sent Epstein an email laying out financial and legal opportunities linked to the political turmoil in Libya. The email, released in the January 30, 2026 DOJ tranche, documents the intelligence operation functioning in the open.
Brown estimated approximately $80 billion in Libyan state funds frozen internationally, including $32.4 billion in the United States, following UN Security Council Resolution 1973 and the NATO-backed uprising against Muammar Gaddafi. He described these as ‘stolen and misappropriated’ assets potentially worth ‘three to four times’ the frozen figure35. The proposal: ‘if we can identify/recover 5 percent to 10 percent of these monies and receive 10 percent to 25 percent as compensation we are talking about billions of dollars’.
Brown then disclosed the operational resources: ‘I also have friends, formally [sic] with MI-6 and Mossad willing to help identify stolen assets and get them recovered’. He had already engaged Paul, Hastings, Janofsky & Walker — a firm with 1,200 attorneys — ‘to go after the money on a contingency basis’. Former officers of British and Israeli intelligence, coordinated through Epstein’s email, deployed to seize sovereign assets during an active NATO military intervention. Epstein replied: ‘the libyans now are legit, but need real help.. they must be careful there will be many claims on that money’.
Brown added the strategic calculation: ‘But the real carrot is if we can become their go-to guys because they plan to spend at least $100 billion next year to rebuild their country and jump start the economy’. The recovery fee was the immediate prize. Positioning as the intermediary for Libya’s entire reconstruction spend — the sovereign client pipeline applied to a state being rebuilt from scratch — was the longer-term objective.
Separately, the January 2026 release uncovered emails between Andrew and Epstein coordinating billions in loans between Libya and Dubai in 2010, during the final years of Gaddafi’s dictatorship36. Both the Israeli and British channels converge on the same target — Libyan sovereign wealth — from different angles, through the same email account.
The Paid Network
Peter Mandelson — former European Commissioner for Trade, former UK Secretary of State for Business, former Northern Ireland Secretary37 — appears in the DOJ correspondence in a role that the January 2026 release clarified. Three separate payments of $25,000 from Epstein to accounts linked to Mandelson were documented in the released files38.
The payments establish Mandelson as a paid asset within the network, and his deployment is documented.
On March 25, 2013, Epstein’s assistant invited Mort Zuckerman to ‘a small dinner party on Thursday, April 4th, at his home in NY...Peter Mandelson and Ehud Barak are among the guests’39. The former EU Trade Commissioner and the former Israeli Defence Minister, paired at Epstein’s table. Mandelson was subsequently asked, through Epstein, to join the board of a company controlled by Sultan Bin Sulayem — Chairman of DP World, one of the world’s largest port operators, controlling trade infrastructure across eighty-three countries40.
The correspondence traces the sequence: Mandelson was paired with Barak at 71st Street, received payments from Epstein, and was then deployed to the board of a Gulf sovereign infrastructure company. A former EU Trade Commissioner — one of the most powerful positions in European commercial regulation — placed on the board of a Middle Eastern logistics empire, via the channel.
Mandelson brought regulatory knowledge of European trade rules, institutional relationships across the EU, and the political credibility of a former Cabinet minister. The operation acquired all of it for $75,000.
But the Epstein channel was not Mandelson's only connection: he had stayed at Waddesdon Manor, Jacob Rothschild's Buckinghamshire estate41 — the same property where the Stranded Assets Forums would convene.
The September 2013 Summit
By the autumn of 2013, three tracks were running simultaneously through the channel. The first was the digital currency operation — documented in ‘The Development of a Digital Currency’ — which had moved from WEF reconnaissance through Jem Bendell’s commission to active sovereign pitches.
On August 10, Barak had emailed Boris Nikolic through Epstein reporting that ‘the pilot test in India succeeded and a report will follow’42 — biometric digital identity linked to financial transactions, confirmed operational at population scale.
The second was the financial architecture — the Global Health Investment Fund, designed by Epstein with JPMorgan in 2011, which had proven the concept of programmable conditionality applied to capital flows43.
The third was the climate disclosure framework that would create the mechanism for redirecting global capital — the Stranded Assets Forums at Waddesdon Manor, which would launch in 2014, feeding the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures, feeding the Network for Greening the Financial System, feeding the BIS and thus Basel.
All three tracks were about to become operational — and all three ran through Epstein’s address on 71st Street.
A single week of scheduling from September 2013 — a document44 sent by staff on Wednesday, September 18, with appointments running through Thursday, September 26 — shows how the three tracks converged.
On Friday, Barak arrived at 12:15 PM for a working lunch with Boris Nikolic at 12:45 — ‘LIGHT SNACKS w/Boris Nikolic and Ehud Barak’45. The day before, Epstein’s staff had emailed Nikolic to confirm46: ‘Jeffrey says you will be having a meeting here at his home tomorrow with Ehud Barak at 12:45pm...just wanted to confirm this with you’. Nikolic replied: ‘Yes. In matter if fact, I am just making an excuse to see you’.
Larry Summers was tentatively scheduled. At 7:30 PM: ‘BILL & Melinda GATES to arrive at the house’. At 8:00 PM: ‘DINNER and other guests to arrive: Dinner will be Bill, Melinda, Terje, Jagbland, JE. Larry & Lisa Summers are invited — waiting for reply’. Thorbjørn Jagland was at the time Secretary General of the Council of Europe47 and Chairman of the Norwegian Nobel Committee.
On Saturday, the schedule records a tentative ‘Morning w/Ehud (Will this be a breakfast?)’48, an appointment with Professor Stephen Kosslyn, a late lunch with Olivier Colom (an executive at Edmond de Rothschild), and an evening meeting with Jagland. Then, in all caps: ‘TBD Dinner w/Ehud Barak? Rothschild? (NOT SURE THIS IS HAPPENING NOW SINCE EHUD IS COMING IN THE MORNING...NEED TO HEAR BACK FROM JE)’49.
The Saturday dinner with Rothschild was at risk because Barak’s morning schedule had shifted. Staff escalated to Epstein personally. Every other appointment that week — Gates, Summers, Jagland, even the President of Mongolia — was managed through normal scheduling.
On Monday, September 23, at 8:00 AM — the Saturday dinner having been moved forward — ‘BREAKFAST w/Ariane de Rothschild, Olivier Colom & Ehud Barak (Does Nili come to breakfast too?)’50. The operational sessions ran Friday through Saturday. The Monday breakfast brought the week’s results to Ariane de Rothschild’s table.
At 8:30 PM on Monday evening, Epstein attended a dinner at the home of Mort Zuckerman, co-hosted by Terje Rød-Larsen, with the guest of honour listed as51: ‘Jabor, Pres. Of Mongolia: Tsakhiagiin Elbegdorj’. Earlier that afternoon, the schedule records an appointment with Barnaby Marsh — the currency researcher documented in ‘The Development of a Digital Currency’. The Mongolia digital currency operation would follow52.
On Tuesday, September 24: a 6:30 AM breakfast with Josh Ramo — former managing director of Kissinger Associates — and Ehud Barak. A second lunch with Olivier Colom, Rothschild’s executive, at 12:30 PM — his second meeting of the week, confirming a sustained Rothschild presence. A tentative entry53: ‘TBD LUNCH W/KAZAKHS??’ At 5:00 PM: Nicholas Christakis, the Yale network dynamics researcher.
On Wednesday, September 25: Leon Black at his office at 2:00 PM (the Apollo Global Management founder who paid Epstein $158 million in advisory fees), followed by a Skype call with Reid Hoffman, co-founder of LinkedIn.
On Thursday, September 26: Epstein departed for Paris on the 9:55 PM Air France from JFK. The week opened in Manhattan with Barak, Nikolic, and Gates. It closed with a departure for Edmond de Rothschild territory.
The Stranded Assets Forums at Waddesdon Manor — hosted by the Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment at Oxford, funded by the same network of foundations — began in 2014. Their output became the intellectual foundation for the Task Force on Climate-related Financial Disclosures, chaired by Michael Bloomberg.
The TCFD framework feeds the Network for Greening the Financial System, which calibrates capital requirements at the BIS through Basel.
The September 2013 summit assembled the people who would build this architecture, position it, and fund it — in one house, in one week, at the precise moment the digital currency proof of concept had been confirmed.
Ten days before the summit, on September 10, Epstein wrote to Barak54: ‘I think you should meet wtih bloomberg’. Barak pushed back55: ‘I’ve just met with him in Gracy Mansion several month ago. AFTER I’ve left office. Why that’s important now?’ Epstein replied56: ‘He s leaving office soon and has no smart people around, i think he shoudl be reminded that you are available’. Barak57: ‘When does he leave?’
Epstein was placing Barak with Bloomberg weeks before the summit. Bloomberg went on to chair the TCFD.
Two days after the summit ended, Barak emailed Epstein with the subject line ‘LS’58: ‘I think greatly of him especially in re to advise for Sovereign Heads. We can complement each other effectively with a lot of synergies’.
He was proposing that Epstein pair him with Summers as a joint advisory package for sovereign leaders.
The public-facing architecture was being built in parallel.
Awash in Rockefeller funding, September 2009 saw the public launch of the Global Impact Investing Network59 at the Clinton Global Initiative meeting in New York, with founding members including JP Morgan, the Gates Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, and Generation Investment Management — Al Gore’s firm.
The very same, who two years later would speak of ‘Sustainable Capitalism’ and ‘Stranded Assets’ in the Wall Street Journal60.
The GIIN’s own website still hosts the Economist article reporting the event61.
By January 2011, Clinton’s State Department was already organising its own summit on impact investing62. Jan Piercy emailed Clinton on her private server on January 8: ‘I am enjoying engaging with State on the Summit on Impact Investing being organized by Kris B.’s team’. A planning session scheduled for January 20 had ‘maxed at 70, with key private sector, government and ngos nationwide clamoring to get in’.
The ‘impact investing’ summit Clinton hosted in April 201263 was the output of an architecture that began with the Rockefeller Foundation's coining of the term in October 200764, carried through by Al Gore, Hillary Clinton, and the Clinton Global Initiative, and was planned through the same private email channel documented throughout this essay.
Three years later, in September 2012, the Clinton Global Initiative held its annual meeting under the theme ‘Designing for Impact’65. The key session — ‘Strengthening the Field of Impact Investing’ — described the ambition: unlocking $500 billion in capital through ‘product innovation to help convert mainstream investors from interest to participation’.
The GHIF, structured by JPMorgan and Epstein one year earlier66, already existed as its working prototype. It was Clinton herself, as Secretary of State, who had approved the Overseas Private Investment Corporation's $285 million deployment into impact investing funds67 — the government capital that seeded the market her own initiative was publicly promoting.
Make sure you really take that in:
Rockefeller coined the term ‘impact investing’ in 2007, and funded GIIN and its IRIS sustainability reporting standards when they were announced at the Clinton Global Initiative in 2009. The government money followed in 2011, approved by Hillary Clinton.
By 2012, the CGI was theming its entire annual meeting around the field it had launched, funded, and instrumented, while Hillary as Secretary of State delivered opening remarks at the April 2012 event, where ‘impact investing’ was solidly placed on the government agenda.
The CGI had a programme schedule and name badges; 71st Street had ‘very private, no agenda’. The outcome was a public taxpayer subsidy funnelled into private hands, which would only progressively increase68… though the United Nations preferred the term ‘blended finance’.
Consequently, the summit week shows the intelligence channel, the financial architecture, and the climate disclosure framework converging in a single week, immediately before the institutional machinery was set in motion.
The pilot agroforestry ‘blended finance’ fund arrived already in 2010. Moringa, owned by the Ariane-led Edmond de Rothschild outfit in Geneva69.
The Reporting Line
The evidence points toward Geneva.
Ariane de Rothschild, head of the Edmond de Rothschild Group, appears in approximately 5,500 documents in the DOJ archive — a volume exceeded only by a handful of figures. In correspondence with Peter Thiel, Epstein described himself with the phrase ‘I represent the Rothschilds’70.
A contract dated October 5, 2015 — signed by Ariane de Rothschild personally, representing Edmond de Rothschild Holding S.A. — retained Epstein’s Southern Trust Company Inc. for $25 million to provide ‘risk analysis’ and ‘the application and use of certain algorithms’71. The agreement specified that payment was linked to ‘outstanding matters between Edmond de Rothschild Holding S.A. and the United States’ and would be made within three days after the Rothschild Group completed its payment to US authorities.
The services described are technical rather than financial — the same category of work as the digital currency specification Summers would send through Epstein’s email and the surveillance technology pipeline Barak was developing.
An email thread from November 21, 2013 — two months after the September summit breakfast — captures what followed. Epstein wrote to Barak72: ‘my thoughts were confirmed, when it was said to me, if Ehud wants to make serious money, he will have to build a relationship with me. take time so that we can truly understand one another. I just listened’. Barak: ‘Who said it?’ Epstein: ‘Rothschild’. The inclusion of the phrase ‘my thoughts were confirmed’ implies a prior expectation, confirmed by whatever Ariane communicated during or after the Monday morning breakfast at which the week’s operational results were presented.
Barak’s response: ‘I’m ready. But I need your advise re HOW? (ladies is your forté)’. The parenthetical confirms the Rothschild who set the terms is a woman — given the Geneva context, the Monday breakfast, and the June 2014 correspondence that logically follows — Ariane. Epstein replied: ‘time. attention. stable. recurring. , PREDICTABLE where what when’7374.
A separate email chain from June 2014 shows the protocol in operation, seven months later. On June 15, Epstein wrote to both Ariane de Rothschild and Barak75: ‘So there is no mix up on my part, (like the last time). you are both addressed on this email and I suggest you coordinate directly, Ariane, Ehud will meet for breakfast in Geneve on tues 18 morning at the location and time of your choice’. The phrase ‘like the last time’ confirms this was already a recurring arrangement.
Barak replied directly to Ariane, with Epstein on CC76:
Dear Ariane, I’ll be very glad and honored to meet this Wednesday Morning. I hardly know Geneva and will follow any recommendation of you regarding the place and hour for the meeting. However, I stay here at the Four Seasons and we can have a breakfast in the Hotel if that’s the most convenient venue for you.
Israel’s most decorated general77 travelled to her city, stayed at the Four Seasons, and presented himself at her convenience.
Barak was not the only introduction Epstein managed for Ariane. On September 12, 2014, she wrote to Kathryn Ruemmler — Obama’s former White House Counsel, who had left office three months earlier78: ‘Thank you so much for taking the time to come yesterday. I was very happy to meet you and hope that we will be able to work together in the near future’. Ruemmler replied: ‘I very much enjoyed meeting you, and it would be my privilege to help you in any way’.
Ariane forwarded the entire exchange to Epstein with a single note79: ‘Dear Jeff, yes i need to focus on problem n1 and can t wait to find a way out as it s a killer’.
Thirteen months later, on October 22, 2015 — seventeen days after signing the $25 million contract whose payment was contingent on resolving the bank’s DOJ matter — Epstein wrote directly to Ariane80:
I woudl like to wrap up DOJ asap. I cannot risk further conversations without our privilege being air tight. cynthia and Kathy have agreed language, Im aware of the sensitivities re board auditor etc. I will work with you to navigate, but we should get it done. delay is not in our favor for the moment.
Epstein had introduced the former White House Counsel to the head of Edmond de Rothschild, and within just over a year was coordinating their joint management of a Department of Justice matter on behalf of the bank — navigating privilege, board auditor sensitivities, and agreed legal language.
‘Delay is not in our favor’ had a documented explanation: Epstein’s $25 million was payable within three days of the settlement closing. In between the introduction and the DOJ matter, CNN reported that Ruemmler had sent Epstein a draft public statement declining further consideration for the position of US Attorney General81 — and asked for his feedback. Epstein was being consulted on whether the nation’s chief law enforcement officer would take the job.
Ruemmler is now the chief legal officer of Goldman Sachs82.
By 5:02 PM on November 21, 2013, Barak had absorbed Epstein’s instructions and was building the business case83: ‘I’m ready. Let’s plan it. I will need some guide along the way. I’ve also thought on the donor advised VC. Probably we can initiate one (4-5% of overall planned volume) based on advanced IL technologies in Mobile tech&CybSec, Life Sciences&Med devices, FoodSec?’
The parenthetical — ‘4-5% of overall planned volume’ — implies a larger financial architecture already under discussion. The sectors are the ones in which Barak would actually build: Carbyne in mobile surveillance, GuardiCore and Toka in cybersecurity.
Epstein’s final reply reframed the relationship84: ‘ok, consider you michael hayden, and keith alexander. would be easy to rasie serious money, you wouldn’ have to do the dog and pony show’. Michael Hayden — former Director of both the CIA and NSA. Keith Alexander — former NSA Director who built US Cyber Command, then founded IronNet Cybersecurity.
Barak’s value lay where theirs did: intelligence credentials converted to capital, with the Rothschild relationship as the vehicle.
But the reporting line did not end with Ariane. The DOJ correspondence shows her forwarding, in real time and with minimal delay, significant communication she received from Jacob Rothschild — the senior figure in the English branch of the family.
In September 2015, a dispute erupted within the family over the renaming of Paris Orléans to Rothschild & Co. On September 16, Jacob emailed Ariane asking her to call him about the name question — he had not realised the change was under way. Ariane forwarded it to Epstein within hours85: ‘Can u believe this b-s***!!!’ The next day, Jacob circulated a draft letter to the family coalition — Evelyn, Benjamin, Ariane, Hannah, James — demanding David and Eric de Rothschild withdraw or amend the resolution at the General Meeting on September 24. He wrote86: ‘I hope we can keep this matter private and confidential, at least for the time being’. Ariane forwarded the confidential letter to Epstein: ‘First hand...’ Epstein replied87: ‘nuts’.
On September 18, Jacob sent a formal letter to David and Eric, copied to the coalition, stating: ‘The letter speaks for itself and we all hope you will amend your resolution for you can now see the extent of our family’s opposition to your proposal’. Ariane forwarded it to Epstein: ‘Live from London!’ On September 22, Ariane forwarded the full legal analysis from Cynthia Tobiano, including the corporate Articles of Incorporation and the 150 million euro write-off implications.
The same day, she wrote directly to Jacob88: ‘I m at your disposal. Love, Ariane’.
One week of sensitive intra-family governance correspondence, every piece of it in Epstein’s gmail by close of business.
On December 22, 2015, Jacob emailed Ariane about Dick Parsons — former CEO of Time Warner, former chairman of Citigroup — offering to broker an introduction89: ‘He’s a fan of yours and thought it could make a lot of sense’. Ariane forwarded it to Epstein: ‘No comments’. Nine minutes later she forwarded a second Jacob email, reporting that David had withdrawn the UK registration of ‘Roth and co’ and claimed to have done so ‘to please me’ a month earlier.
Ariane’s note to Epstein90: ‘Another great email ...so english and so hypocritical. i wonder what Jacob gets of these lies...’
On March 11, 2016, Jacob emailed Ariane about Barclays Wealth Management Switzerland91: ‘Here is an internal note which will tell you something about Barclays Wealth Management and I had asked for this before giving a small lunch for Jes Staley, the new CEO of Barclays and ex JP Morgan... If you are interested in this, would you like me to raise the subject with Staley when we meet up’.
Ariane forwarded it to Epstein: ‘!!!’
The Staley email connects the hierarchy to the operational network. The same Jes Staley who appears 7,500 times in the Epstein archive, who attended the September 2010 Barak dinner, who confirmed attendance at the channel’s events through Epstein’s assistants — was simultaneously meeting Jacob Rothschild for private lunches, independently of the Epstein channel. The network had redundant paths, and Epstein saw both.
On August 30, 2016, Boris Nikolic — Gates’s chief science adviser — emailed Epstein with a two-word question: ‘Jacob Rothschild?’ Epstein replied92: ‘No’. He denied knowing Jacob Rothschild while sitting on a year’s worth of Jacob’s forwarded correspondence in his inbox.
The hierarchy runs in one direction.
Jacob initiates: he drafts family letters, brokers introductions to American corporate power, offers to raise acquisition opportunities with bank CEOs. Ariane executes and reports: every significant Jacob communication arrives in Epstein’s gmail by close of business, usually accompanied by a one-line reaction. Epstein manages downward — Barak, Summers, the operational network — and reports upward to Ariane, who defers upward to Jacob.
Three tiers, documented in correspondence: Jacob at the apex, visible only through Ariane’s forwards; Ariane in the middle, operationally present and signing contracts; Epstein below, managing the intelligence channel and denying Jacob’s existence to anyone who asks.
An email exchange from July 1, 2013 shows the depth of the briefing. Ariane wrote to Epstein describing the problem of the rival branch93: ‘The problem with a merger is what each side considers it s worth and also David s deep conviction that they are ‘the only true Rothschilds’ allowed to do banking. And therefore, i should merge with them and become a passive shareholder’. In the same email, she asked Epstein to arrange meetings with Barak, Gates, and Summers.
The structure appears to mirror the relationship between Lynn Forester de Rothschild and Hillary Clinton documented in the Podesta and Clinton server emails — a Rothschild intermediary managing a political figure who executes below them, with the family principal visible only through the intermediary's correspondence949596.
One might perhaps further consider the role of Peter Mandelson, given his overnight stays at Waddesdon Manor.
The Surveillance Layer
Barak was building in the surveillance technology space and reporting progress through the channel. On April 14, 2015, he emailed Epstein97: ‘Great start for Reporty in the media. Good Buzz. Now need to work’.
Reporty — which rebranded as Carbyne98 — was an Israeli emergency services technology platform that Barak chaired, offering real-time caller geolocation, live video streaming from personal devices to emergency operators, and AI-powered analytics.
On December 23, 2014, Barak asked Epstein to arrange a trilateral Skype call with Pinhas Buchris — former commander of Unit 820099, Israel’s signals intelligence directorate, the equivalent of the NSA — identified in the email as working with Reporty. ‘Can you reach both of us and have a trilateral Skype conversation?’ The subject line, ‘touch base JE Buchris’, implies an existing Epstein-Buchris relationship100.
In 2013, Epstein told Barak to look into Palantir101: ‘He has a company called Palantir... so he thought that Peter would put you on the board of Palantir... he’s going to come here next week so I wanted to talk to him, if I talk to you’.
Epstein was brokering the former Israeli Defence Minister onto the board of the Western world’s most powerful government surveillance platform. In April 2014, Epstein offered Barak a meeting: ‘I have peter thiel on the 19th in ny, if you like’. They had dinner in June. Barak told Gary Fegel, a Glencore executive, that Thiel was ‘of huge potential to accelerate things by the sheer reputation’.
In November 2014, Thiel personally solicited Epstein for ten to twenty million dollars for Valar Ventures — his venture fund focused on fintech companies globally. By June 2015, Epstein had committed $15 million102. The total eventually reached $40 million.
The surveillance pipeline extended beyond investment. Drop Site News reported that in 2014, Epstein and Barak together brokered a deal to sell Israeli surveillance technology to Côte d’Ivoire103 — mass monitoring of phone calls, radio transmissions, and internet activity, crafted by former Israeli intelligence officials. President Ouattara purchased the system. In the decade since, his government has tightened its grip on power, banning public demonstrations and arresting peaceful protesters.
The surveillance architecture running through 71st Street was being sold to sovereign clients in West Africa104.
The Snowden disclosures105, reported years before this correspondence was public, revealed that the NSA had been surveilling Barak and Koren in the United States during this same period. Whatever they were doing at Epstein’s residence — sharing information, exchanging packages, wiring funds, sourcing cybersecurity startups from AMAN — American signals intelligence was watching.
The Wider Table
A planning document for a 2014 dinner party lists the guests106: Ehud Barak, Larry Summers, Timothy Geithner (former Treasury Secretary, then president of Warburg Pincus), Lloyd Blankfein (CEO of Goldman Sachs), Stephen Schwarzman (CEO of Blackstone), Jacob Frankel (former Governor of the Bank of Israel, then chairman of JPMorgan Chase International), Jes Staley (JPMorgan), Leon Black (Apollo), Len Blavatnik (Access Industries), Terje Rød-Larsen (architect of the Oslo Accords), and Henry Kissinger.
A former central bank governor, two Treasury Secretaries, and the heads of Goldman, Blackstone, JPMorgan, and Apollo — at one dinner, in one house. The two Treasury Secretaries at the table had been pre-selected for government by the same financial establishment.
A month before Obama’s election in October 2008, Michael Froman at Citigroup emailed John Podesta with a cabinet list that included Robert Rubin, Larry Summers, and Timothy Geithner for Treasury107108.
The list proved almost entirely accurate. Summers was given the National Economic Council; Geithner got Treasury. The personnel pipeline that placed them in government is the same one whose principals sat at Epstein’s table afterward.
On August 29, 2016, Barak was seated for lunch with Tom Barrack — founder of Colony Capital and future chairman of Trump’s inaugural committee, later charged with acting as an unregistered agent of the United Arab Emirates — alongside Vitaly Churkin, Russia’s Ambassador to the United Nations109. Three months before the presidential election.
Three weeks after the election, on November 28, Epstein wrote to Tom Pritzker110 — billionaire chairman of Hyatt Hotels — ‘barrack and the boys in pb, wild wild’. Pritzker replied that evening with an article from the Israeli press explaining ‘why Comey screwed Clinton’: ‘1. Comey as DA is hunting down Marc Rich to indict him. 2. Ehud calls Clinton and says please pardon Marc Rich he has done work for Mossad that has been valuable. 3. Clinton pardons Rich and Comey has been pissed ever since. 4. Comey got his opening to get even’. Pritzker added: ‘No idea if this is accurate story’.
Whether or not it is accurate, the Israeli press was reporting Barak’s role in the Rich pardon as an intelligence function — protecting a Mossad asset — and this was being circulated within the Epstein network as contextual intelligence, three weeks after the election.
A schedule from November 28, 2017 — less than nineteen months before Epstein’s arrest — records a single day at 71st Street: Leon Black at breakfast, Ehud Barak at lunch, Kathryn Ruemmler at 1:30 PM. Ruemmler appears over 300 times in the privilege log from the Epstein estate civil suit. Financial architecture, intelligence coordination, and legal management were still running on a single day’s diary.
On November 8, 2017, Epstein sent Barak two emails within two hours. At 3:54 PM111: ‘boies said he got to the mossad guys through you? true?’ At 5:49 PM, escalating112: ‘Did Boies ask you to help Obtain former mossad agents to do dirty investigations.? this is getting a lot of press’.
David Boies was Epstein’s lawyer — the same attorney reported to have hired Black Cube, the private intelligence firm staffed by former Mossad and Aman officers, on behalf of Harvey Weinstein to surveil his accusers113. The story was breaking in the press.
Epstein was asking Barak, in plain text, whether Boies had used Barak’s channel to access Mossad operatives for those operations. Barak replied at 2:46 AM: ‘Call me. [redacted] in Paris’. Epstein114: ‘i tried 212 772 9416’.
The latest dated exchange in the archive begins on November 10, 2018, when Epstein sent a one-line introduction115: ‘Ehud - jabor, Jabor ehud’. On November 19, Barak replied to ‘Jabor Y’. — CC’ing Epstein — with116: ‘Glad to be e-introduced to you by JE. A great friend’. The Jabor in question is Jabor Al Thani, a member of the Qatari royal family.
Barak referenced ‘past meetings with HE HBJ’ — His Excellency Hamad bin Jassim Al Thani, the former Prime Minister of Qatar, one of the wealthiest individuals on earth. Jabor replied117: ‘Great pleasure to hear from you and thanks to JE for introducing us’.
Over the following weeks, Barak and Jabor Al Thani negotiated a London meeting for December 20, scheduling around Qatar’s National Day on December 18. Barak wrote118: ‘I’m really enthusiast about the coming meeting with HH HBJ. So many fascinating and disturbing events following each other on the global and our regional arenas. And so much to discuss’. The FBI source in the FD-1023 had stated119: ‘Saudi Arabia, Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are allied against Qatar’. Epstein was routing Barak to the former Prime Minister of the opposing camp.
On December 17, Barak forwarded the thread to Epstein, asking if he would be in London for the meeting. Epstein replied120: ‘unfortunately, not. you should make clear that i dont work for mossad. :)’ Barak: ‘You or I?’ Epstein: ‘that I dont :)’ Barak responded with four emoji — thumbs up, wink, lightning, flag.
The next day, Barak wrote again: ‘For unclear reasons I still don’t have a hint about the venue and hour for the meeting on Thursday. Can you try to help on clarifying the situation?’ Six months before the arrest, Epstein was still managing Barak’s logistics with Gulf sovereign contacts.
What the Documents Establish
The FBI arrived at the same conclusion the documents suggest. An FD-1023 source reporting document dated October 19, 2020 records a confidential human source with personal contact with figures in Epstein’s circle. The case designation matters: INTELPRODS denotes intelligence products, meaning the FBI classified this as counterintelligence rather than a criminal matter. The document’s synopsis line reads121: ‘Foreign influence on U.S. officials by Israel, Russia, and UAE’.
The source was contacted via encrypted messaging app and asked about ‘improper domestic or foreign influence over the electoral process in the U.S.’ — meaning the FBI was investigating Epstein’s network as a foreign influence operation. The source states that Epstein ‘was close to the former Prime Minister of Israel, Ehud Barak, and trained as a spy under him’. The source claimed to have monitored calls between Alan Dershowitz and Epstein during which they ‘took notes’. After these calls, ‘Mossad would then call Dershowitz to debrief’. The source recalled Dershowitz telling then-US Attorney Alex Acosta ‘that Epstein belonged to both U.S. and allied intelligence services’. The source’s conclusion: ‘CHS became convinced that Epstein was a co-opted Mossad Agent’.
On Dershowitz, the source reported that the Harvard Law professor had said ‘if he were young again, he would be holding a stun gun as an Israeli Intelligence (Mossad) agent’ — and that he had ‘influenced many students from wealthy families’, naming Josh Kushner and Jared Kushner.
The source also noted the geopolitical alignment the network served: ‘Saudi Arabia, Israel and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) are allied against Qatar, Turkey, Iran and Syria’ — the exact sovereign map the correspondence documents.
It’s worth taking into account that this is a source report, not verified intelligence. Taken on its own, its credibility could perhaps be called into question. But a number of its disclosures do appear to align.
A separate FBI FD-1023, dated December 7, 2021, filed under Case ID 272-SJ-3262541, records a different confidential human source reporting on Boris Nikolic. The case file is titled ‘Southern Trust; Southern Country International; Wire Fraud’. Gates’s chief science adviser had his own FBI source file, in a wire fraud investigation122.
The January 30, 2026 release also included a video deposition of Alfredo Rodriguez, Epstein’s household employee, who named Barak directly — alleging he flew with girls on Epstein’s plane. ‘You can bring this guy down in like no time’, Rodriguez said123. The same release included a DOJ diagram of Epstein’s inner circle and potential co-conspirators, with several figures still redacted.
On February 6, 2026, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wrote on X124: ‘Jeffrey Epstein’s unusual close relationship with Ehud Barak doesn’t suggest Epstein worked for Israel. It proves the opposite’. Netanyahu used the revelations to attack his longtime political rival, noting that Barak ‘has for years obsessively attempted to undermine Israeli democracy by working with the anti-Zionist radical left’.
The FD-1023 itself records the source noting that Barak ‘believed Netanyahu was a criminal’. Whatever the intelligence relationship between Barak and Epstein, it operated within the factional rivalries of Israeli domestic politics.
The January 2026 release also confirmed that through his COUQ Foundation, Epstein funded the Friends of the Israeli Defence Forces and the Jewish National Fund — a settlement-building organisation — in 2006125.
On March 15, 2018 — fifteen months before his arrest — Epstein emailed a redacted recipient with the subject line ‘he was passed away’126, forwarding a passage about Robert Maxwell, Ghislaine’s father127: ‘Maxwell passed on all the secrets he learned to Mossad in Tel Aviv. In turn, they tolerated his excesses, vanities and insatiable appetite for a luxurious lifestyle and women’.
The passage continued:
He told them that unless they gave him £400million to save his crumbling empire, he would expose all he had done for them. In that time, he had free access to Margaret Thatcher’s Downing Street, to Ronald Reagan’s White House, to the Kremlin and to the corridors of power throughout Europe. He told his controllers who they should target and how they should do it. He appointed himself as Israel’s unofficial ambassador to the Soviet Bloc.
Epstein circulated this fifteen months before his arrest. The arrangement it describes — secrets passed to Tel Aviv, excesses tolerated, access to the corridors of power maintained in exchange — is the one documented of Epstein throughout these essays.
Before 2008, anyone could claim to have met Epstein socially. After the conviction, the registered sex offender was radioactive to every figure with a public reputation. The continued presence of Barak, Summers, Geithner, Gates, Staley, Black, Blankfein, Schwarzman, Frankel, Kissinger, Ruemmler, Thiel, Hoffman, Ito, and Andrew — years after the conviction, with full knowledge of it — requires explanation. These were people with limitless options for social and professional connection, every reason to sever the relationship, and no obvious reason to maintain it.
The conviction served as a filter: it removed casual acquaintances and left only those for whom the operational value outweighed the reputational cost. But it also ensured that public attention remained fixed on the sex crimes — and never reached the intelligence operation running beneath them.
Epstein provided Americans and Europeans with a channel to Barak, and provided Barak — and by extension Israeli intelligence — with visibility into the financial, technological, and policy networks of the Western world. The British channel through Andrew gave visibility into Crown relationships across the Gulf, China, and the Commonwealth. The Rothschild channel gave financial architecture and European banking access.
The function was not unique to the Epstein network. The Podesta emails, released in 2016, appears to document Lynn Forester de Rothschild performing a structurally identical role in the adjacent political network. She is a constant presence in correspondence with Hillary Clinton and John Podesta, organising meetings, shaping economic policy through the ‘Inclusive Capitalism’ initiative128, and bridging political operatives to sovereign capital. She emailed Clinton: ‘I remain your loyal adoring pal’.
Ariane de Rothschild served as the connection between the intelligence and financial architecture documented in the Epstein files. Lynn Forester de Rothschild served the same function for the political architecture documented in the Podesta emails. The family’s position at the junction of both networks is visible in two independent archives that were never meant to be read together.
The principals maintained direct access to the assets independent of either channel: Mandelson stayed at Jacob Rothschild’s Waddesdon Manor; Jes Staley attended Jacob’s private lunches. Both also ran through the Epstein channel separately. The redundancy is the point — it is how you verify assets you do not fully control.
The only record of the meetings documented in these essays exists in Epstein’s systems. There are no agendas, no minutes, no follow-up documentation, no institutional logs in any government, corporate, or diplomatic archive. And that, almost certainly, is good operational security — by intent.
Consequences
The documents have already had consequences, and they are still unfolding.
The January 30 release documented that Howard Lutnick129 — the current US Commerce Secretary — corresponded with Epstein through intermediaries several times in 2011 and 2012, years after Lutnick had publicly vowed to never be in the same room with Epstein again.
Summers suffered total institutional collapse. The American Economic Association banned him for life. Harvard launched a formal investigation; he went on leave from teaching and his directorship. He resigned from OpenAI, Bloomberg News, the Center for American Progress, the Center for Global Development, the Yale Budget Lab, the Brookings Hamilton Project, and the New York Times130.
Andrew was stripped of everything. In October 2025131, King Charles initiated formal removal of all titles, honours, and styles — including ‘Prince’ and ‘His Royal Highness’ — via Letters Patent under the Great Seal. The last time a prince was stripped of that title was 1919. He was evicted from Royal Lodge. He is now legally Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor.
Congress has called for him to give evidence132. Virginia Giuffre, his most vocal accuser, died by suicide in April 2025133 — before the files were fully released. Her posthumous memoir triggered the title removal134.
Mandelson’s exposure went furthest. In December 2024, Keir Starmer appointed him UK Ambassador to the United States135 — Britain’s most important diplomatic post, given to a man the DOJ archive documents as a paid asset in the Epstein network. He was fired in September 2025 after emails showed the depth of his relationship with Epstein was ‘materially different’ from what had been disclosed136.
The January 30, 2026 release made it worse: bank statements confirmed Epstein’s $75,000 in payments, and Mandelson is now accused of lobbying the US government in 2010 to water down restrictions on bank trading on behalf of Epstein and Jes Staley137. The Metropolitan Police have launched a criminal investigation into misconduct in public office138. He has resigned from the House of Lords.
Starmer’s chief of staff resigned on Sunday, February 8, 2026 for advising the appointment. Starmer himself publicly apologised to Epstein’s victims for ‘having believed Mandelson’s lies’. The fallout has not stopped, with many politicians now calling for the Prime Minister to step down139.
Jagland resigned as national security adviser to the Prime Minister of Slovakia140.
Yet the architecture the channel built is not collapsing with its operators.
In September 2025, the US Treasury awarded Palantir the contract141 to build a ‘common API layer that supports developer platforms, workflow automation, and data analytics’. Palantir’s federal contracts nearly doubled in 2025 to $970.5 million142.
In 2024, Israel signed a separate deal with Palantir for AI services to help the Israeli military select targets in Gaza143 — the company whose founder Epstein routed to Barak, whose board Epstein tried to place Barak on, now providing target selection for Israeli military operations.
The British dimension runs through Mandelson. In February 2025, Starmer and Mandelson — then still serving as Ambassador — visited Palantir’s headquarters in Washington for a tour, a question-and-answer session with staff, and a meeting with CEO Alex Karp144. The Cabinet Office described it as an ‘informal visit’. Mandelson’s lobbying firm, Global Counsel, listed Palantir as a client. He retained a 21 per cent stake in Global Counsel while serving as Ambassador145.
In September 2025, the UK government signed a partnership agreement making London the base for Palantir’s European defence business, with a pledged investment of £1.5 billion146.
That same month, Mandelson was fired.
In December 2025, the Ministry of Defence awarded Palantir a £240.6 million contract for data analytics across all security classifications, interoperable with NATO147 — a direct award with no competitive tender, using a defence and security exemption. Throughout 2025, Palantir had hired four former MoD officials, including Barnaby Kistruck, former director of industrial strategy, who had helped write the Strategic Defence Review148. He left the MoD on August 31 and joined Palantir nine days later.
Palantir also holds a separate £330 million contract with the NHS for a Federated Data Platform handling patient data149.
Denmark and Switzerland have both raised concerns that US intelligence could access data shared with Palantir150; Switzerland rejected a deal on those grounds. A paid asset in the Epstein network toured the surveillance company’s headquarters with the Prime Minister, the company embedded itself in British defence and health infrastructure, and the freedom of information requests that might explain the connection have been refused.
The DOJ has released over 6 million pages — 3.5 million in the January 30, 2026 tranche alone — and acknowledged identifying additional responsive material still under review151. Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche stated that images showing ‘death, physical abuse, or injury’ had been removed152. Congress has demanded the remaining names of co-conspirators.
Only 49 per cent of Americans believe the current administration is not attempting to cover up Epstein’s crimes153154.
Turkey, Lithuania, Poland, and other countries have launched their own investigations155. The consequences are still unfolding, but a familiar counter-narrative has emerged: Russian intelligence links156.
The pattern is now four for four, though the tally keeps increasing157.
When the DNC emails on Clinton's illegal, private email server were released in 2016, Russia was blamed — the emails were authentic158.
When the Podesta emails159 were released in 2016, Russia was blamed — the emails were authentic.160
When the Biden laptop surfaced in 2020, Russian disinformation was the explanation — the laptop was genuine161162.
Now, with the Epstein correspondence documenting Israeli and American intelligence channels in detail, the same deflection has appeared on cue.
The competing claims — Israeli intelligence, French intelligence, American intelligence, British intelligence, the alternate option such as private Rothschild intelligence, or some combination — are themselves an indication that the operation’s scope exceeds any single national intelligence framework.
The alternate option is not speculative: the Rothschild family operated its own private courier and intelligence network across European capitals from the early nineteenth century, a capability that predated most national intelligence services163. The Cambridge Apostle, Victor Rothschild, served as MI5’s wartime liaison and was later investigated as a suspected Soviet double agent164165.
The family’s capacity to run private intelligence has never been formally dissolved — and the correspondence documented in these essays suggests it never needed to be.
The other common pattern is the weaponised red herring
Whether Podesta and Clinton truly are into ‘spirit cooking’166 and ‘gourmet hot dogs’167, in this context, is actually entirely beside the point, because their involvement in impact investing and stranded assets is very real, and immensely documentable — and those are the quiet factors which influence your daily life, explaining why your cost of living will steadily increase going forward until you one day cannot afford to feed your children, while your home collapses in value due to it being ‘at risk of climate change’, prompting insurers to refuse cover, and banks to refuse offering to mortgage.
All because of a series of Rothschild-funded roundtables at Waddesdon Manor.
And this really is not hypothetical, in fact, it’s already happening168169170171172173:
Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell warned of the pullback from insurers and banks: “If you fast forward 10 or 15 years, there will be regions of the country where you can’t get a mortgage, there won’t be ATMs, banks won’t have branches and things like that.”
… on both sides of the Atlantic:
As a result, residential mortgage lenders are starting to reject applications for properties located in areas with current or projected increase in flood risk as a result of climate change
Never mind this being ‘black box’ modelled risk, which leads to your home being pre-emptively ‘stranded’ as an asset with no possibility of appeal — just because an unaccountable computer said so.
As for the effort of distraction, we see a similar pattern unfold today with the release of Epstein’s emails. Whatever Epstein got up to with minors, however awful, is secondary in this context.
Being instrumental in the development of impact investing, digital currencies with ‘social good’ conditionality, the digital surveillance state, and his continuous rendezvous with the likes of probable Mossad agents and Rothschild family members is by far the larger story.
All of it enabled by mainstream media that treated Russia as the default explanation and the legitimacy of genuine leaked documents as an open question.
While everyone focuses on the red herring, the infrastructure is still being built.
Thank You, ESC. I'll include this in #2 slot, right after this 50 year old reveal from the Nixon White House https://www.thekomisarscoop.com/2026/02/did-you-think-it-cant-happen-here-revelations-of-jt-chiefs-of-staff-spy-operation-against-white-house/
Impressive work