The Architects - Part 1
The control architecture and its biological substrate were traced in the preceding essays on Marx and Gaia. This essay completes the trilogy by identifying who occupies the command positions within the architecture.
Find me on Telegram:
The method is documentary. Foundation records, institutional histories, funding flows, board memberships, commission reports. The actors named here are public philanthropists, celebrated bankers, decorated scientists. Their role in building planetary management infrastructure is a matter of record. What has been missing is the structural analysis showing how their positions interlock.
The essay traces four networks: banking dynasties, industrial philanthropies, modelling institutions, and central banks. It shows how they occupy complementary positions within the control architecture, and how interventions across generations form a coherent architectural project.
I. The Structural Positions That Matter
Before we name names, we need to see why some positions inside the architecture matter more than others. For that, we go back to the paper that’s quietly haunted this Substack: Erich Jantsch’s ‘Inter- and Transdisciplinary University: A Systems Approach to Education and Innovation’1.
Jantsch sketches a four-layer structure: purposive, normative, pragmatic, empirical.
Purposive: Names the system’s declared ends — its idea of the good (justice, salvation, sustainability) that gives direction to everything below.
Normative: Turns those ends into obligations — ethical doctrines, standards, and rules that say what must and must not be done.
Pragmatic: Organises how those norms are carried out in practice — institutions, plans, procedures, metrics, and management techniques.
Empirical: Concerns the governed substrate itself — money, bodies, land, infrastructure, and data — where outcomes appear as observable, measurable changes.
Now cross Jantsch with Moses Hess and things click into place. Hess wanted to reshape society by using the economy to deliver an ethical programme of social justice. That makes ethics itself the purposive layer — the supreme goal — exactly as Hermann Cohen later insists: ethics above all2. The empirical layer in this scheme is the monetary unit of account and the real flows it measures. In between, we just have to fill in the missing levels: what standards and what organisation are required to turn Hess’s moral project into operating reality?
As we saw in the Marx essay, Lenin’s ‘accounting and control’3 naturally occupies the normative tier: it specifies what must be counted, reported, and supervised. Bogdanov’s Tektology4 then supplies the pragmatic tier: a general science of organisation that, over time, evolves into adaptive management5 and systems planning.
The same pattern shows up in contemporary form. Take the Sustainable Development Goals as the purposive layer: a global ethics of ‘sustainability’, ‘equity’, and ‘leaving no one behind’. The normative layer is the surveillance and audit apparatus built to enforce them6: SDG indicator grids7, monitoring frameworks8, and results-based management9 templates10. The pragmatic layer is the institutional machinery that runs those templates — UN agencies, development ministries, NGOs, PPPs, consultancies, all wired into adaptive management loops. And the empirical layer is the development11 finance12 itself13: loans, grants, guarantees, and investments14, ultimately anchored in central bank15 monetary policy and global capital markets16.
Once you see these four levels, it becomes easier to see why some actors matter more than others: those who set the purposes and control the empirical shape everything in between. Everyone else is just filling in the normative and pragmatic details.
Purposive and Empirical: The Decisive Combination
In the four-layer hierarchy (Purposive → Normative → Pragmatic → Empirical), most actors operate at one level. Politicians set rules. Planners design programmes. Bureaucrats manage flows.
But certain actors occupy both the top and bottom simultaneously. At the Purposive level, defining what counts as ‘good’ — social justice, sustainability, inclusion. At the Empirical level, controlling the monetary unit of account through which all activity is measured
This combination is architectural power. When you define both the target and the measuring system, the intermediate levels become implementation details.
The Full Stack Populated
Banking dynasties occupy Purposive and Empirical simultaneously — defining teleology while controlling monetary infrastructure. Industrial philanthropies, standards bodies, and global NGOs populate the Normative and Pragmatic layers, translating that deep structure into rules and programmes.
Normative level (rules, standards, metrics): ISO and standards bodies, UN frameworks, ESG ratings, professional ethics councils, Basel Committee, FSB. This is where purposive teleology becomes ‘the science’, ‘the rules’, ‘best practice’. The cloaking device that makes power appear as neutral expertise.
Pragmatic level (programmes, agencies, implementation): UN agencies, World Bank, development banks, ministries, corporate sustainability departments, NGOs and public-private partnerships. This is the project-management layer. Replace one agency with another, one minister with another, the machine still runs.
The Normative and Pragmatic actors matter — but differently. They are modular: staff churn is high, institutions can be rebranded or merged without changing the architecture. And they are dependent: if the Purposive or Empirical layers shift, Normative and Pragmatic must follow. This is institutional isomorphism in practice: parties, ministries, and brands change, but they all converge on the same metrics, standards, and ‘best practices’ defined elsewhere in the stack. In Hess’s terms, the middle layers are the priesthood and bureaucracy you hire later to make the synthesis livable, legitimate, and operational. In concrete terms, this means clearinghouse ‘expert’ panels ruling on the basis of ‘the best available science’, typically sourced from IIASA and similar ‘black box’ global modelling organisations.
This essay focuses on the Purposive and Empirical layers because that is where the structural choke points sit. The rest is implementation detail. IIASA and its peers generate the models; the OECD turns them into indicators; ISO turns the indicators into standards. Clearinghouse ‘expert panels’ then interpret and convert all of this into policy — a process that will increasingly be outsourced to super-AIs such as Trump’s Genesis Mission17.
The Stack in Operation
The same four-layer stack is visible in the institutions we already have.
Purposive defines the ethical framework — the what should be. This is where the UN Sustainable Development Goals function as a moral compass, promising a more prosperous, healthy, inclusive, and sustainable world in which everyone has ‘enough’ within planetary boundaries. The Earth Charter and Vatican-endorsed Inclusive Capitalism play the same role: they sacralise a particular vision of social justice and sustainability in terms that appear to transcend ordinary political disagreement. Once framed this way, disagreement is no longer treated as politics but as a refusal to accept ‘reality’ itself — evolutionary denial, lack of compassion, or heresy against the emerging global ethic.
Normative establishes the measurable standards — ISO frameworks, SDG indicators, OECD metrics, Aichi biodiversity targets, TCFD pillars. Together they translate abstract ethics into technical requirements: what must be reported, how risks are scored, which behaviours count as ‘aligned’. By now there are well over two hundred official SDG indicators alone. The point is not the exact number but the density: a full grid of metrics that makes compliance visible and auditable.
Pragmatic is the governance machinery — UN agencies, development banks, national ministries, corporate sustainability teams, NGOs and public-private partnerships. This layer operationalises the standards through policy and programmes. It is deliberately modular and high-churn: governments fall, CEOs change, agencies are renamed, but they all operate inside the same normative grid. Personnel are replaceable; the architecture is not.
Over the last half-century, this layer has been steadily reformatted along tektological lines. What Alexander Bogdanov imagined as a universal science of organisation — later rebadged as systems theory, cybernetics, and finally ‘adaptive management’ — has replaced traditional political discretion with feedback protocols: targets, indicators, evaluation cycles, ‘learning by doing’. Ministries and agencies still look like human organisations, but they function as executors inside a tektological operating system.
Empirical is the financial muscle — the enforcement mechanism. Global financial assets run into the hundreds of trillions of dollars; scarcity is not the problem. Direction is. The current international financial architecture decides which activities receive capital and which are starved. Once normative metrics are wired into credit allocation, the empirical layer becomes the actuator that makes the ethical vision materially binding.
In the previous essays I argued that Boulding’s Spaceship Earth metaphor has been operationalised as the circular economy (closed material loops), while Gaia has been operationalised as circular health (closed biological loops). This essay turns from the architecture itself to the people and dynasties who captured the helm of that ship and claimed the right to speak for the planet.
The genius of the arrangement is simple: financial muscle (Empirical) enforces the ethical vision (Purposive) via standardised metrics (Normative), while the governance layer (Pragmatic) supplies automated adaptive management… and democratic theatre — elections and policy debates that never touch the operating system. You can replace the politicians. The clearinghouse still controls the flow.
The Finance Rail as Actuator
In any cybernetic system, the actuator — the mechanism converting signals into physical effects — is the decisive control point. In planetary management, that actuator is finance. As argued in the first essay, Plank 5 of the Communist Manifesto — centralisation of credit — is the central load-bearing pillar of the control architecture.
Control the actuator and you control system behaviour regardless of who designs standards or measures flows. At that point, finance no longer just enforces rules — it decides what even counts as a valid transaction or recognised form of ownership. If an action cannot clear on the rails, for the system it may as well not exist. This is why central banks matter more than legislatures, and why those controlling monetary infrastructure occupy the architectural command position.
The question becomes: who has occupied this position, and for how long?
What follows proceeds in four steps. Sections II–III trace the intellectual blueprint. Sections IV–VII identify the banking dynasties and industrial philanthropies that occupy the decisive structural positions. Sections VIII–IX show how modelling institutions and central banks operationalise that power. Sections X–XV then zoom out: case studies of architecture in motion, the teleology that justifies it, the Inclusive Capitalism synthesis, and finally the accountability void and its implications.
II. The Hess Blueprint: Social Justice Through Economic Control
The intellectual origin point. Moses Hess (1812–1875) — who mentored Marx and Engels — first synthesised messianic redemption with economic transformation. This section is about the blueprint: the original intellectual synthesis that fuses social justice, capital control, and messianic purpose into one programme.
Hess’s core thesis: social justice must be achieved through economic reorganisation, not political revolution or moral persuasion. Moving between radical politics and the banking milieus of Frankfurt while developing communist theory, he articulated what neither pure capitalism nor pure socialism could achieve alone: transformation through control of capital flows by those who understand the teleological destination.
The formula Hess established:
Social justice requires economic reorganisation
Control of capital determines social structure
Messianic vision provides moral imperative
An enlightened class must guide humanity
This is the template subsequent actors implement. The apparent paradox — banking dynasties implementing socialist restructuring through capitalist mechanisms — dissolves once you understand Hess’s synthesis: economic control by enlightened guides achieves the transformation both systems promised but neither could deliver alone.
The question is whether this remained merely theoretical, or whether it found institutional expression.
III. The Clearinghouse Template: 1886–1892
The documentary trail begins not with theory but with practice. In 1886, Alfred de Rothschild — then a Director of the Bank of England — authored a paper18 addressed to the Governor describing the London Bankers’ Clearing House system. The document would resurface six years later at the Brussels International Monetary Conference of 1892.
Alfred de Rothschild’s 1886 Paper
The paper begins with a striking claim:
I am strongly opposed to a radical change in the metallic situation of Great Britain. In the first place, I believe that the progress of civilization tends to diminish the need for large quantities of cash, instead of increasing it, and what could be more likely to prove this than the existence and admirable operation of our Bankers’ Clearing House? This establishment averages a weekly move of one hundred million pounds sterling without the intermediary of cash or even banknotes.
Alfred is describing, in 1886, a system that moves vast sums without physical currency — settlement through ledger entries at a central clearing node.
He continues:
... in fact, the system of the Bankers Clearing House has reached such a high degree of perfection, and the facilities granted by all bankers to their customers are so great, that very little cash and paper money is required for ordinary transactions; and, if we take into consideration the hundreds of millions of pounds sterling on deposit, and the weekly movement of the Clearing House, which averages 100,000,000, we may affirm without fear of contradiction that our system of banking approaches perfection, although the word ‘perfection’ is hardly applicable either to persons or to things.
‘Approaches perfection’. This is not neutral description but advocacy — a Bank of England director celebrating cashless hierarchical clearing as the apex of monetary organisation.
The Architecture Described
What was this ‘perfect’ system? Ernest Seyd’s The London Banking and Bankers’ Clearing House System19 provides the structural detail.
In 19th-century Britain, the banking system operated as a sophisticated hierarchy:
Tier 1: Local and Regional Banks Thousands of institutions serving individuals, farmers, and small businesses. Customer-facing, retail operations.
Tier 2: London Clearing Banks Approximately two dozen institutions forming the operational core. Members of the Clearing House, they settled vast volumes of cheques and bills — not only for their own clients but on behalf of regional and merchant banks. These clearing banks held settlement accounts with the Bank of England.
Tier 3: The Bank of England The apex. All clearing banks maintained accounts here. Final settlement occurred at this node. The Bank of England didn’t compete with clearing banks — it anchored them, providing finality and institutional trust.
Outside the Tiers: Merchant Banks Houses like Rothschilds didn’t engage in retail banking or clearing. They specialised in sovereign lending, trade finance, infrastructure investment, and international securities. Despite global reach, they maintained accounts through clearing banks for routine settlement.
The result: a system decentralised in operation but centralised in settlement. Distributed responsibility with ultimate control flowing upward. This is subsidiarity — governance at the ‘lowest appropriate level’ — implemented through monetary architecture decades before the term entered political vocabulary.\
The 1892 Brussels Conference
At the Brussels International Monetary Conference of 1892, two proposals emerged that would shape the next 130 years.
Julius Wolf, a professor at the University of Breslau, submitted a project for an international currency backed by gold reserves contributed by central banks, to be issued by a joint institution based in a neutral country20. This currency would be used for emergency lending between central banks — internationalising the clearing function.
Alfred de Rothschild presented his own proposal, appending his 1886 paper as supporting documentation. Where the Americans favoured physical gold coinage as international tender, Rothschild advocated paper certificates representing quantities of metal — a solution more amenable to clearing house settlement.
Rothschild’s proposal was rejected at Brussels. But the template survived.
The Template Replicates
The same hierarchical clearing architecture reappears with remarkable consistency:
Federal Reserve System (1913) Federal Reserve Banks → Regional Fed Banks → Member Banks
Created after the 1907 panic — supposedly triggered by currency and gold hoarding, precisely the problem Wolf’s certificate system promised to solve. The panic was attributed to insufficient liquidity coordination. The solution: hierarchical clearing through a central node.
Bank for International Settlements (1930) BIS → Central Banks → National Banking Systems
Negotiated as markets crashed in 1929. Benjamin Strong of the New York Fed and Montagu Norman of the Bank of England — who had established close cooperation during wartime gold arrangements — drove the negotiations. The model: Wolf’s 1892 proposal, finally implemented at global scale.
The 1930 BIS celebrations explicitly credited Wolf and Luigi Luzzatti (who had extended Wolf’s ideas) as intellectual precursors:
In 1892 Julius Wolff, a professor at the University of Breslau, submitted at the Brussels International Monetary Conference a project for the creation of an international currency, to be used for emergency lending to central banks, backed by gold reserves contributed by the central banks themselves and to be issued by a joint institution based in a neutral country.
Luzzatti pushed the logic further21:
Rather than being occasional and dictated by extreme emergencies, Luzzatti argued, lending amongst monetary authorities should become the norm. An international commission endowed with ‘fiduciary powers’ should coordinate action for the achievement of international monetary peace.
The clearinghouse becomes permanent. Settlement becomes governance. Monetary coordination becomes international administration.
The Significance
Documented advocacy: presented at international conferences, implemented through central banks, scaled across 130 years.
Alfred de Rothschild described the clearinghouse as ‘approaching perfection’ in 1886. Julius Wolf proposed internationalising it in 1892. The Federal Reserve replicated it in 1913. The BIS globalised it in 1930.
And as the first essay demonstrated, central bank digital currencies represent the next iteration: programmable clearing where transactions require validation against criteria set by those controlling the ledger.
The template hasn’t changed. Only the technology has.
But the clearing house model would prove even more versatile than its creators perhaps imagined. The same logic — presenting contingent institutional design as the inevitable output of neutral expertise — would eventually be applied not just to money but to knowledge itself. The clearing house of payments would become the template for a clearing house of truth.
To be continued.
This is very helpful. I’ve long wondered how, over multiple generations, the direction of travel has been maintained and evolutionary adaptations coordinated flawlessly.
One notion that came to mind was that the whole thing was being run by an AI system that was in the hands of the perpetrators long before the label became well-known.
That could have accounted for the eerily reliable coordination everywhere.
Another alternative which I toyed with is that there’s hidden power in a different realm, of which we’re completely unaware. We might call that the devil.
This article however provides an answer & possibly the only answer.
It would be almost as difficult to wrest control away from the four layercake of interlocking structures from the inside as from the outside. More or less impossible, certainly so if a single individual got a conscience & tried to do something about where all this is going. There’s never been nor can there be multiple, complimentary, trustworthy individuals from across the piece who get a conscience. The way the important people get raised is so deeply unpleasant that all the qualities we regard as good were cauterised before they could learn to scribble with crayons.
I do think there’s something about the idea that today’s visible leaders aka puppets & their less- or invisible sponsors are executing a plan which was brought into existence by their grandparents ((or yet further back) and was set in motion by their parents. In such a conception, todays big beasts are merely passengers, too.
I have recently found myself wondering if the hidden tribe that is behind all of this is the tribe of Levi. There are not 12 tribes of Israel as the biblical narratives like to make us think. there are 13 because the tribe of Levi was never allocated land, but was the hereditary priesthood. When the Babylon emperor punished the king in Jerusalem for defying him and refusing to pay tribute they destroyed the temple and took the elites captive back to Babylon. The House of David fractured, but the messianic prophecy stayed in place and created an eternal longing for a return to the kingdom of Judah. The Persians conquered Babylon killed off the last God-Emperor and let the Hebrews return and rebuild the temple. Then when Judah was a colony of the Selucid Empire the tribe of Levi, under Simon Maccabeus led the Maccabean Revolt 141 BCE and over threw their foreign rulers and established the Hasmonaean Judah Dynasty which was a THEOCRACY of PRIEST-KINGS, from the tribe of Levi, and even though a large assembly of priests and elders voted for this and gave Maccabeus's family hereditary rights and the survivors of the House of David and some Jews grumbled it was a done deal and lasted for 104 years. This was the first and last time that the kingdom of Judah was an independent state which was recognized in 139 BCE by the Roman Republic. Then the Roman Pompey in 63 BCE conquered Judah and made it a client state and later Herod with the Roman's help overthrew the priest-kings in 37 BCE, and was installed as King Herod, but he was not from the House of David and was seen as a Roman puppet and illegitamate.
What is interesting here is that the tribe of Levi is the one TRUE GLOBAL TRIBE of the Israelite tribes because they are in EVERY JEWISH COMMUNITY to this day and the Kohanim, the descendants of Aaron who are the highest priests still play a role in the Jewish synagogues all over the world.
And we often see the names of this tribe popping up - and one that Esc has used above which was the author of one of the books he featured is COHEN!!!!! A very important family line of the HEREDITARY priesthood of the tribe of Levi.
How much do you think that they hated the Roman Imperial Empire for overthrowing their dynasty and theorcracy in 37 BCE???
Do you think that they might hate the Gentiles that were the legions that helped conquer them?
Do you think that they would hate the Roman Imperial Aristocracy that were not mixed with their aristocracy and part of their bloodlines?
Could it be that the hidden hands of the Elders of Zion, and the puppeteers are in reality the tribe of Levi?
It makes one wonder.